Fear and Loathing in South Carolina

(Denmark Vesey Memorial, Hampton Park, Charleston, SC. Photo by Gregory Rodriguez)

Charleston, South Carolina

My first stop in Charleston was to pay my respects to Denmark Vesey—a formerly enslaved carpenter who had bought his own freedom in 1799 with the winnings from a lucky lottery ticket. He was hanged in 1822—along with 34 other accused men—for his role in planning a revolt that prosecutors claimed was to involved the raping of white women and the execution of white enslavers. Though it never came to pass, the plot haunted slave holders for decades.

Americans talk way too much about hatred—or love—when discussing the history of this country’s race relations. Fear and greed have always been more critical determinants of how whites have treated blacks throughout U.S history. Greed is what created slavery and subsequent forms of economic subordination. Then came the fear. Whites feared the wrath of those they subordinated. The extent of their fear was often determined by demographics. During and after slavery, regions with black majorities—like the Mississippi Delta—were generally the places where whites were most fearful of black revolt, which therefore justified—in their minds—the more brutal treatment of African Americans.

Charleston, the capital of American slavery, was another such place. From the early 18th to the mid-19th-century, African Americans made up the majority of Charleston residents. The social hierarchy was pyramid-shaped with a thin layer of high-living whites at the top, a free black community in the middle, and a broad base of enslaved blacks at the base.

Those facts alone help explain the hysteria that whipped through Charleston when Vesey’s rebellion was revealed. It also sheds light on white South Carolinians’ hysterical response to John Brown’s raid and why the Palmetto State was the first state to secede after Abraham Lincoln was elected.

But there was something more intimate occurring beneath the numbers. Slaveholding was so widespread in Charleston by the mid-19th century that 3 out of 4 white households owned at least one slave. That meant, as historians Ethan J. Kytle and Blain Roberts elegantly put it, “that most white residents interacted on a daily basis with someone who had every reason to despise them or even wish them dead.”

Vesey was a sixty-year-old carpenter when he was executed for plotting an insurrection. News of the foiled plot led whites to tighten slave supervision and further limit whatever meager liberties free blacks had enjoyed. In short: Subordination led to anger, which led to fear, which led to insurrection, which led to fear, and even more cruel subordination, which led to fear.

According to one contemporary observer, after Vesey’s execution Charleston “seemed to be in a permanent state of siege.” Less than forty years later, the start of the Civil War further heightened fears of slave insurrections.

But there’s a wrinkle in this story. In 2020, historian Michael P. Johnson, a professor emeritus at Johns Hopkins University, published a paper questioning whether the insurrection wasn’t a fantasy concocted by Charleston’s ambitious mayor, who became quite the hero for conducting what Johnson calls ‘the deadliest civilian judicial proceedings in American history.”

Whatever the truth, it wouldn’t have been the first or last time whites projected their own sins onto African Americans and conjured up hypothetical black revenge to justify the further tightening of their control.

Erected in 2014, the statue of Vesey, which was vandalized in 2021, now stands in the middle of a park named after a Confederate general.

America’s Other Founding Father

(The Parish of Saint Bartholomew, Groton, Sussex. Photo by Gregory Rodriguez)

Groton, Sussex, England

The United States was founded twice, first by 17th-century Puritans and again by 18th-century revolutionaries. The Puritans bequeathed us their concept of the covenant, their apocalyptic moralism, and their unique form of hierarchical communalism. The Revolutionaries gave us our system of divided government, phobia of all forms of tyranny, and the vocabulary out of which Americans would later create a democracy. 

When politicians want Americans to come together and do great things, they generally borrow words and concepts from the Puritans rather than from the revolutionary generation.  They use their prophetic, Biblical language that’s not found in either the the Constitution or the Declaration of Independence.  They speak of destinies, missions, chosen people, and dreams that must be fulfilled.  They talk about “a city on the hill,” a phrase uttered in 1630 by John Winthrop, the first Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony.

Winthrop used the phrase in his lay sermon, “A Model of Christian Charity,” in which he challenged his fellow migrants to create a pious New World community that would serve as an inspiration to the world. It’s a sermon modern presidents love to quote.  Starting with John F. Kennedy, five of the last eight U.S. commanders in chief have lifted that phrase.

Surprisingly, most historians don’t think the sermon was all that remarkable for its time.  “City on a hill” was a term frequently used in Puritan sermons across East Anglia, the region from which upwards of 60% of Puritan migrants hailed. 

What was remarkable, however —both for its time and today—was the profile of the migrants Winthrop led over the Atlantic. They were highly skilled, literate, principled, and, unlike so many immigrants to the New World, travelled in family units.  These are the people who gave New England its distinctive culture. 

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Having learned all this, of course I wanted to see the place where it all started, the region Archbishop William Laud, the Puritan’s archenemy, pointed to as being the center of heresy in England.  But that required me to drive on the left side of the road, which was a spectacular drag, particularly in those horrible roundabouts. But fortunately my wife was there to guide me across the lanes.  

After chipping some paint off my left side rear view mirror on the first day’s drive from London to Cambridge, I figured that the second day through Essex and Suffolk would be a breeze. I was wrong.  I innocently thought that forty miles would take us about 40 minutes. Wrong again. I had clearly never driven on English country roads where what appeared to be a one-lane road–flanked by high hedges or stone walls–are also meant to accommodate oncoming traffic. And all that in the rain. It was terrifying.

Before arriving in Groton, where John Winthrop had been lord of the manor, we drove through towns like Haverhill, Sudbury, Newton, each of which have counterparts in Massachusetts. In Groton, we had lunch at the Fox and Hounds pub, and there we imagined how empty the countryside must have felt after this 17th-century exodus.  More than 70 people from tiny Groton and nearby villages emigrated with Winthrop. More would follow in the coming years. Nearly 200 of the original 700 emigrants came from Suffolk and neighboring Essex county.

I didn’t know much about Winthrop himself when I walked through the graveyard where his parents are buried and visited St. Bartholomew’s Church, where he once worshipped.  But I’ve since read Francis J. Bremer’s sympathetic biography of the man he calls “America’s forgotten founding father.”  Emphasizing the multiplicity of views that existed within the Protestant religious movement that came to be known as Puritanism, Bremer credits Winthrop with keeping together a headstrong group of believers and for trying to build a “radically better world while insisting on moderate and traditional measures.” Winthrop, Bremer concludes, was “zealous but not a zealot,” a leader who tried hard to teach the members of his community to love one another.  

After Groton, we drove on to Norwich (not the one in Massachusetts) and ended the day in Harwich (no, not the one on Cape Cod), which claims to be the town where the Mayflower was built. But that’s the story of a different Protestant sect, the one that founded Plymouth, Massachusetts, a decade before the Puritans set sail.  

As we walked along the promenade by Dovercourt Bay the next morning, the winds were pulling me in two directions. Part of me wanted to take a ferry to Holland, less than 140 miles across the North Sea, where some of the Pilgrims lived for over a decade before sailing to America.  The other part of me  knew I needed to head to Rhode Island to learn and ponder the story of Anne Hutchinson.

Home Is Where the Heart Is

(Photo by Gregory Rodriguez)

Atchison, Kansas

My wife carries a now dog-eared copy of this photo of Amelia Earhart in her pocketbook. She was given it at the Amelia Earhart Birthplace Museum in Atchison, Kansas, which is in the Gothic Revival house that belonged to Earhart’s maternal grandparents. Perched high on a bluff on the west bank of the Missouri River, it’s where the pioneering aviator was born at the end of the 19th-century.  

Earhart lived here off and on between the ages of three and twelve. Her father, who was a lawyer for the railroad, moved the family around a lot. The poor man also suffered from alcoholism, which would challenge the family’s well-being in all ways, including financially. 

In an otherwise troubled childhood, Earhart clung to her fond memories of her time here. Though she lived in many places, she always considered Atchison her hometown. It’s here, writes biographer Susan Butler, that Earhart felt “secure of her family’s position, nurtured by tradition and surrounded by friends.”  The friends she met here as a child would remain her best friends for the rest of her life. 

We stopped here on a drive from Kansas City to Omaha.  And as tempting as it is to say that Earhart came from the middle of nowhere, Atchison–like so many Midwestern towns–once boomed because it was in the middle of everything or at the very least conveniently located along a popular path between East and West.

Either way, places are created by the meaning people attach to them. And Earhart viewed her grandparents’ home in the northeast corner of Kansas as the perfect place to take off from. 

Easy Like Sunday Morning

(Photo by Gregory Rodriguez)

Tuskegee, Alabama

I’ve been searching for America and all variety of Americana for decades now. But this building has already climbed to the top of my charts. This is where the Commodores, who first met as freshmen at Alabama’s Tuskegee Institute in 1968, recorded “Brick House” and other classics like “Easy” and–my favorite–“Zoom.” The early members bought the building and used it to rehearse and record for much of the 1970s and early 1980s. In 2015, one of the group’s former body guards turned it into a charming museum.

America Ignored Jimmy Carter at its Own Peril

From an exhibit at the Jimmy Carter Presidential Library and Museum (Photo by Gregory Rodriguez)

Atlanta, Georgia

One of the many flaws in American governance is that the president is expected to be both chief executive and head of state.  There is no division of duties as in Britain between the monarch and the prime minister, or as in Germany, with its chancellor and president.  The U.S. president is expected to fill both the executive role of making hard decisions and the ceremonial role of making the public feel they’re part of a cohesive nation.  Except perhaps in times of war, it’s virtually impossible for a political figure whose job it is to win at the dirty game of politics to project those qualities of a nation that transcend mere politics.  Jimmy Carter, who entered home hospice care this past weekend, was a far better symbol than he was an executive. It’s a shame that he wasn’t the symbol this gold medal obsessed nation wanted.

On July 15, 1979, in a televised address ostensibly about the energy crisis, Carter uttered words that a head of state needed to tell his people. But because they were too honest and challenging, they were also words no elected official could get away with saying. 

That night, the peanut farmer from Georgia didn’t talk about unhappiness in the land or of a momentary spell of anxiety. He warned that too many Americans had traded a sense of purpose and community for “self indulgence” and a growing belief in “consumption.” Sounding like the Sunday school teacher he was, he said that Americans’ identities were becoming more defined by what they owned rather than by how they made a living. But he reminded us that “material goods cannot fill the emptiness of lives” without purpose.  Yes. An American president spoke to Americans from the Oval Office and told them that they needed to find meaning and purpose in their lives.

Perhaps even more striking is that he didn’t propose a governmental solution to this problem. In fact, he confessed, “that all the legislation in the world can’t fix what’s wrong with America.” Americans had to do it by and for themselves.

Carter feared that Americans would choose the path that led “to fragmentation and self-interest.”  “Down that road,” he warned, “lies a mistaken idea of freedom, the right to grasp for ourselves some advantage over others. That path would be one of constant conflict between narrow interests ending in chaos and immobility. It is a certain route to failure.”

Materialism, pessimism, a “growing disrespect” for government, churches, and other essential institutions, Carter saw the “symptoms of this crisis of the American spirit are all around us.” And he was well aware that this message was not one of “happiness or reassurance.” But he knew it was true, and said it anyways.   Though the speech did not use the word “malaise,” the press labeled it his “malaise speech.” That alone suggests that they didn’t understand the depth of Carter’s assessment of the state of the union. 

Despite its brilliance, Carter’s infamous speech is most often remembered as another example of a “tone-deaf” one-term president. A year later, an aggressively optimistic former actor, who insisted that it was still “morning in America,” defeated him in a landslide.

Because we willfully misinterpreted and then ignored him, America has become the nation Carter feared it would. Humble, anti-elitist, the only Democratic former president in my memory who didn’t become filthy rich after leaving the White House, Carter was too straight an arrow to  be an effective president. But he was also one of the very, very few national political figures who had the courage to tell the truth about the state of American culture. 

What Marx — Harpo not Karl — Understood about Diversity

179 East 93rd Street, New York, New York (Photo by Gregory Rodriguez)

Upper East Side, Manhattan, New York

It was a beautiful—almost spring—morning in Manhattan, a perfect day for an excursion.  So I hopped on the Lexington Avenue line to head uptown to see the apartment building where the Marx Brothers–Chico, Harpo, Groucho, Gummo and Zeppo (who was born there)–called home between 1895 and 1910.  Harpo called the apartment on the fourth floor of  179 East 93rd Street (between Lexington and Third) the “first real home” he could remember.  

That’s because, according to Harpo, the Marxes were “poor, very poor,” and there were ten mouths to feed. In addition to the five brothers, there were Minnie and Frenchie, the boys’ parents, Minnie’s parents, Fanny and Lafe Schönberg, and cousin Polly, who the Marxes had adopted. Before finding the flat on 93rd Street, the family had moved around a lot, always keeping one step ahead of their debts. But they always preferred to live in and around the German-speaking neighborhoods of the Upper East Side. Minnie had been born in a small village in Lower Saxony, while Frenchie came from a French Alsatian town (hence his nickname) that had remained loyal to Germany.  They both spoke the same German dialect and gravitated toward other immigrants who shared their mother tongue. 

But while shared language and ethnicity was a source of comfort and community for many, the cliquishness of the Upper East Side was also a dangerous obstacle course for kids. One could read tomes of ethnic American history and sociology and find no more brilliant, poetic, and succinct description of the story of American diversity than Harpo’s recollections of his childhood neighborhood.

In his 1961 memoir Harpo Speaks!, the actor-comedian whose given name was Adolph, described the Upper East Side as being “subdivided” into German blocks, Irish blocks, a few Jewish blocks, and “a couple of Independent Italian states thrown in for good measure.” The north-and-south avenues meanwhile—First, Second, Third and Lexington—were “neutral zones” that “belonged more to the city than the neighborhood.” Four blocks to the west, Central Park was a “friendly foreign country,” where it was “safe territory for lone wolves.”  But on the cross streets, it was “open season” on the kids whose ethnic group didn’t dominate any given block.  

When a kid’s ethnicity was unclear–which was not uncommon–the toughs would ask him to identify what block he lived on.  To save time and any more trouble than he was already in, Harpo decided early on to answer such questions honestly.   So, when a group of Irish or German street kids asked him what street he was from, he’d say 93rd Street. And when they asked which block of 93rd Street—between Third and Lex, “that pinned me down,” he wrote, “I was a Jew.” 

Even though Harpo was small, he wasn’t flat footed.  He learned that the worst thing he could do was not have anything to “fork over for ransom.” To keep himself from being beaten to a pulp, he never left his block “without some kind of boodle in [his] pocket—a dead tennis ball, an empty thread spool, a penny, anything. It didn’t cost much to buy your freedom; the gesture was the important thing.”

Decades later Harpo waxed philosophical about this urban obstacle course. “Every Irish kid who made a Jewish kid knuckle under was made to say ‘Uncle!’ by an Italian, who got his lumps from a German kid, who got his insides kicked out by his old man for street fighting and then went out and beat up an Irish kid to heal his wounds.  ‘I’ll teach you!’ was the threat they passed along, Irisher to Jew to Italian to German. Everybody was trying to teach everybody else, all down the line.” 

In the end, he concluded, “It was all part of the endless fight for recognition of foreigners in the process of becoming America.”

While few would characterize that brand of multicultural education as ideal, Harpo’s honesty about inevitable interethnic tensions and competition is nonetheless refreshing.

Mosaic, melting pot, salad bowl.  These are terms that have been used to describe America’s demographic diversity. But they’re all pretty inaccurate, as they make no reference to the competition and conflict among ethnic–as well as racial groups–that have always characterized American life.

Now that today’s post-civil rights social mandate requires us all to pretend to love one another (or else!), we no longer properly acknowledge the grittier side of group behavior–and human nature–that cannot be banished by either slogans or legislation. 

The marvelous Encyclopedia of New York City says the Marx Brothers’ brand of “anarchic comedy” came to be “strongly associated” with ethnic New York.  It’s hard not to conclude that the neighborhood conflict they endured as children didn’t play a critical role in forging what the Encyclopedia calls the unique mix of verbal repartee, rapid timing, and physicality that defined their humor.

Visiting Thomas Merton

The Abbey of Gethsemani, Trappist, Kentucky (Photo by Gregory Rodriguez)

Trappist, Kentucky

Someone had placed a chair next to Thomas Merton’s grave, but I would have felt way too presumptuous to sit on it. (No, no, I didn’t want to talk to him. I just wanted to quickly come by and say thanks.) Also, I felt guilty only acknowledging the celebrated writer in a graveyard full of Trappist monks.  Merton himself felt conflicted and embarrassed by his fame. He longed to transcend any craving for it.  

Not so long ago, when I had zero money to my name, I bought a used copy of A Year with Thomas Merton: Daily Meditations from his Journals.  The book became a talisman for me, a lifeline.  I have begun many days reading snippets of his words to help me focus on the things that matter.  

So, yes, I am grateful to Merton and to his spiritual genius, but for the reasons mentioned, I rushed through the cemetery as if through a duty free store at an airport.  I did, however, manage to snap the above photo. 

Where the Rich and the Antelope Play

Jackson Hole Airport (Photo by Gregory Rodriguez)

Jackson Hole, Wyoming

Most people come to Jackson Hole to ski, to enjoy nature, the snow, the elk, the bison, the occasional moose. (I saw three on my first two days!) But there’s a striking sociological phenomenon here that’s worth mentioning. Thanks to a combination of Wyoming’s natural beauty, its relaxed residency requirements and lack of income tax, Teton County, where Jackson is the county seat, is home to one of the most astonishing concentrations of ultra wealthy people in the world.  Of all 3,144 counties in the U.S., Teton County has the highest per capita income, by far. Not surprisingly, it also has the highest income disparity in the country.  The top 1 percent of residents here make about 233 times more money than the bottom 99 percent.  Nearly 80% of that income is from investments. And although I knew all this before I landed, I was still shocked that the local Chamber of Commerce hands out free mimosas to all arriving airline passengers. (But yes, I gladly grabbed a cup.)

Evel Knievel’s America

Evel Knievel’s Snake River Jump Monument (Photo by Gregory Rodriguez)

Twin Falls, Idaho

I was looking forward to visiting daredevil Evel Knievel’s grave in Mountain View Cemetery in Butte, Montana. But about 155 miles south of our destination, and without any advance notice, orange traffic cones shepherded us off the interstate. State Troopers had shut down a one hundred mile stretch of the I-15 between DuBois, Idaho, and Dillon, Montana, due to some pretty nasty high winds. It’s probably just as well since it was minus 26 degrees in Butte last night. So we turned around and headed south to Twin Falls, Idaho, where, in 1974, Knievel made his ill-fated rocket jump over Snake River Canyon. Looking down into the gorge would persuade anyone that Knievel was nuts.  But I’m glad his daring is memorialized in this monument at the edge of the canyon. It’s a reminder that risk, courage, and not a little bit of craziness were once a more robust part of America’s national ethos.

Faces of My Year

On a good day, I read, take notes, walk (now run), and hang out with my wife and talk to assorted strangers. If I’m lucky, I get to ask those strangers if they’ll allow me to take their photos with my phone. I love the connection we feel for that brief moment. I love capturing their coolness, their beauty, their confidence. These are some of my favorite photos I took this year in Madrid, London, Louisville, Istanbul, and beyond.

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